GERMAN-POLISH RELATIONS FROM JANUARY 1934 TO JANUARY 1939.
THE governing factor in the relations between Germany and Poland during this period was the German-Polish? Agreement of the 26th January, 1934 (No. 1, pp. 1-2), This agreement, which was valid for ten years, provided that in no circumstances would either party “proceed to the application of force for the purpose of reaching a decision” in any dispute between them. In the five years after the signature of this pact Herr Hitler made a number of speeches friendly to Poland (Nos. 2-8, pp. 3-6). Poland was “the home of a great, nationally-conscious people” (21st May, 1935). It would be “unreasonable and impossible,” so Herr Hitler acknowledged, “to deny a State of such a size as this any outlet to the sea” (7th March, 1936). The agreement “has worked out to the advantage of both sides” (30th January, 1937).
DETERIORATION IN THE EUROPEAN SITUATION RESULTING FROM GERMAN ACTION AGAINST CZECHO-SLOVAKIA ON MARCH 15, 1939.
The position after the German occupation of Czecho-Slovakia? was summarized in speeches by the Prime Minister at Birmingham on the 17th March (No. 9, pp. 6-13) and by Viscount Halifax, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in the House of Lords on the 20th March, 1939 (No. 10, pp. 13-23). Mr. Chamberlain described the German occupation as “in complete disregard of the principles laid down by the German Government itself,” and asked: “Is this the end of an old adventure, or is it the beginning of a new? Is this the last attack upon a small State, or is it to be followed by others?” Lord Halifax stated that the action of the German Government was “a complete repudiation of the Munich Agreement and a denial of the spirit in which the negotiators of that agreement bound themselves to co-operate for a peaceful settlement.” On the 23rd March the Prime Minister stated in the House of Commons that His Majesty’s Government, while not wishing “to stand in the way of any reasonable efforts on the part of Germany to expand her export trade,” was resolved “by all means in our power” to oppose a “procedure under which independent States are subjected to such pressure under threat of force as to be obliged to yield up their independence” (No. 11, pp. 23-24). In a conversation of the 27th May between Sir Nevile Henderson, His Majesty’s Ambassador in Berlin, and Field-Marshal? Goring, the Ambassador warned the Field-Marshal? that Great Britain and France would be involved in war with Germany if Germany attempted to settle German-Polish? differences “by unilateral action such as would compel the Poles to resort to arms to safeguard their independence” (No. 12, pp. 24-27).
GERMAN-POLISH DISCUSSIONS (APRIL-MAY 1939).
In a speech to the Reichstag on the 28th April, Herr Hitler announced that he had made proposals to the Polish Government that Danzig should return as a Free City into the framework of the Reich, and that Germany should receive a route and railway with extra-territorial status through the Corridor in exchange for a 25-years’ pact of non-aggression and a recognition of the existing German-Polish? boundaries as “ultimate.” On the same day a memorandum to this effect was given to the Polish Government. The German proposals, which had been presented for the first time on the 21st March, 1939, i.e., less than a week after the German occupation of Prague, were now described as “the very minimum which must be demanded from the point of view of German interests.” Herr Hitler also claimed that the German-Polish? Agreement of January 1934 was incompatible with the Anglo-Polish? promises of mutual assistance and therefore was no longer binding (Nos. 13 and 14, pp. 28-36).
On the 5th May the Polish Government replied to the German Government with an explanation of their point of view. The Polish note repeated the counter-proposals which the Polish Government had put forward as a basis for negotiation in reply to the German proposals, and refuted the German argument that the Anglo-Polish? guarantee was in any way incompatible with the German-Polish? Agreement (No. 16, pp. 42-47). The Polish Minister for Foreign Affairs elaborated his country’s case in a speech made in the Polish Parliament on the 5th May. The Minister said that the Polish Government regarded the German proposals as a demand for “unilateral concessions.” He added that Poland was ready to approach “objectively” and with “their utmost goodwill” any points raised for discussion by the German Government, but that two conditions were necessary if the discussions were to be of real value: (1) peaceful intentions, (2) peaceful methods of procedure ( No. 15, pp. 36-42).
The Polish memorandum reminded the German Government that no formal reply to the Polish counter-proposals had been received for a month, and that only on the 28th April the Polish Government learned that “the mere fact of the formulation of counter-proposals instead of the acceptance of the verbal German suggestions without alteration or reservation had been regarded by the Reich as a refusal of discussions” (No. 16, p. 45).
THE ANGLO-POLISH AGREEMENT.
On the 31st March, 1939, the Prime Minister announced the assurance of British and French support to Poland “in the event of any action which clearly threatened Polish independence, and which the Polish Government accordingly considered it vital to resist” (No. 17, p. 48). An Anglo-Polish? communiquÃ© issued on the 6th April recorded the assurances of mutual support agreed upon by the British and Polish Governments, “pending the completion of the permanent agreement” (No. 18, p. 49). The Agreement of Mutual Assistance was signed on the 25th August. The articles defined the mutual guarantee in case of aggression by a European Power (No. 19, pp. 49-52).
DEVELOPMENTS IN ANGLO-GERMAN RELATIONS AND IN THE GENERAL BRITISH ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE INTERNATIONAL SITUATION (APRIL-JUNE 1939).
Anglo-German? as well as German-Polish? relations deteriorated after the German occupation of Czecho-Slovakia?. On the 1st April Herr Hitler made a speech at Wilhelmshaven in which he attacked Great Britain and British policy towards Germany, and attempted a justification of German policy (No. 20, pp. 52-63).
Herr Hitler spoke in the Reichstag on the 28th April announcing the denunciation by Germany of the Anglo-German? Naval Agreements (No. 21, pp. 63-68). On the 27th April a memorandum to this effect was sent to the British Government (No 22, pp. 68-70). On the 16th June Viscount Halifax again denied to the German Ambassador in London that Great Britain or any other Power was “encircling” Germany (No. 23, pp. 70-71). A week later (23rd June) His Majesty’s Government sent a reasoned protest to the German Government denying the validity of the German unilateral denunciation of the Anglo-German? Naval Agreements, and also refuting the arguments of fact (i.e., persistent British hostility to Germany) by which Herr Hitler attempted to justify his denunciation of the Naval Agreements (No. 24, pp. 71-77).
In view of these facts and of the increasing international tension, Viscount Halifax took the opportunity, in a speech at Chatham House on the 29th June, to define at some length the attitude and policy of Great Britain. He explained the reason for the obligations which Great Britain had undertaken in the Continent of Europe. He discussed Anglo-German? relations and stated that Great Britain had no wish to isolate Germany, and that, if Germany wished, “a policy of co-operation” could be adopted at once. “British policy rests on twin foundations of purpose. One is determination to resist force. The other is our recognition of the world’s desire to get on with the constructive work of building peace” (No. 25, pp. 78-87).
DETERIORATION IN THE LOCAL SITUATION AT DANZIG (JUNE 3-JULY 3, 1939).
With the increase of agitation in the Reich the local situation at Danzig rapidly became worse. On the 3rd June the President of the Danzig Senate made accusations against Polish customs inspectors (No. 26, pp. 87-88). The Polish Government on the 10th June replied with a denial of the accusations and a statement of the legal rights of Poland in relation to Danzig (No. 27, pp. 89-91). On the 27th June the Polish Vice-Minister? for Foreign Affairs told Sir H. Kennard, His Majesty’s Ambassador in Warsaw, that a Freicorps was being formed in Danzig (No. 28, p. 91), and on the 28th and 30th June, and on the 1st July, Mr. Shepherd, His Majesty’s Consul-General? in Danzig, reported upon military preparations in the city (Nos. 29, 31, 33, pp. 92-93, 94-95, 96-97). On the 30th June, in view of the gravity of the situation, Viscount Halifax suggested consultation between the British, French and Polish Governments for the co-ordination of their plans (No. 30, pp. 93-94). Meanwhile, the Polish Government maintained a restrained attitude (Nos. 32 and 34, pp. 95-96 and 97).
BRITISH ATTITUDE TOWARDS DEVELOPMENTS IN DANZIG (JULY 10-15, 1939).
On the 10th July, while the situation at Danzig appeared to be becoming critical, the Prime Minister defined the British attitude towards the Danzig problem in a statement in the House of Commons (No. 35, pp. 98-101). He pointed out that it was before Poland had received any guarantee from Great Britain that the Polish Government, fearing to be faced with unilateral German action, had replied to the German proposals, by putting forward certain counter-proposals, and that the cause of the Polish refusal to accept the German proposals was to be found in the character of these proposals and in the manner and timing of their presentation and not in the British guarantee of Poland.
On the 14th July Sir Nevile Henderson discussed with Baron von WeizsÃ¤cker, German State Secretary at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, a statement by one of the German Under-Secretaries? that “Herr Hitler was convinced that England would never fight over Danzig.” Sir Nevile Henderson repeated the affirmation already made by His Majesty’s Government that, in the event of German aggression, Great Britain would support Poland in resisting force by force (No. 36, pp. 101-103).
TEMPORARY EASING IN THE DANZIG SITUATION (JULY 19- AUGUST 2).
After the tension in Danzig at the end of June there was a temporary lull in the situation. The Acting British Consul-General? at Danzig reported on the 19th July that Herr Forster, the leader of the National Socialist party in Danzig, had stated, after an interview with Herr Hitler, that “nothing will be done on the German side to provoke a conflict,” and that the Danzig question could “wait if necessary until next year or even longer” (No. 37, pp. 103-105). On the 21st July Viscount Halifax instructed Mr. Norton, His Majesty’s ChargÃ© d’Affaires at Warsaw, to impress upon the Polish Government the need for caution (No. 38, pp. 105-106). M. Beck replied, on the 25th July, that the Polish Government was equally anxious for a dÃ©tente (No. 39, pp. 106-107). On the previous day Herr Forster had again stated that “the Danzig question could, if necessary, wait a year or more” (No. 40, pp. 107-108). On the 31st July and the 2nd August, however, Sir H. Kennard reported less hopefully about the position (Nos. 41 and 42, pp. 108-110).
FURTHER DETERIORATION IN THE SITUATION AT DANZIG (August 4-16).
On the 4th August M. Beck told His Majesty’s ChargÃ© d’Affaires at Warsaw that the Danzig Senate had that day informed Polish customs inspectors at four posts in Danzig that henceforward they would not be allowed to carry out their duties. The Polish Government took “a very serious view” of this step (No. 43, p. 110). Similar news came from Mr. Shepherd at Danzig (No. 44, p. 111). On the 9th August Sir H. Kennard reported that the Polish attitude was “firm but studiously moderate”; (No. 45, pp. 111-112). A day later, Sir H. Kennard reported to His Majesty’s Government a communication made by the German Government to the Polish ChargÃ© d’Affaires at Berlin on the Danzig question, and the Polish reply to this communication. M. Beck drew the attention of Sir H. Kennard to “the very serious nature of the German dÃ©marche as it was the first time that the Reich had directly intervened in the dispute between Poland and the Danzig Senate” (No. 46, pp. 112-113). The Polish Government in their reply to the German note verbale stated that they would “react to any attempt by the authorities of the Free City which might tend to compromise the rights and interests which Poland possesses there in virtue of her agreements, by the employment of such means and measures as they alone shall think fit to adopt, and will consider any future intervention by the German Government to the detriment of these rights and interests as en act of aggression” (No. 47, pp. 114-115).
Sir Nevile Henderson on the 15th August discussed with Baron von WeizsÃ¤cker the deterioration in the Danzig position, and pointed out that if the Poles “were compelled by any act of Germany to resort to arms to defend themselves, there was not a shadow of doubt that we would give them our full armed support …. Germany would be making a tragic mistake if she imagined the contrary.” Baron von WeizsÃ¤cker himself observed that “the situation in one respect was even worse than last year, as Mr. Chamberlain could not again come out to Germany.” Baron von WeizsÃ¤cker also discounted the character of Russian help to Poland and “thought that the U.S.S.R. would even in the end join in sharing the Polish spoils” (No. 48, pp. 115-119).
Meanwhile, on the 11th August, M. Burckhardt had a conversation with Herr Hitler at Berchtesgaden at the latter’s request, in which the question of Danzig and the general European situation were discussed (No. 49, p. 119). Viscount Halifax, who still hoped that Herr Hitler might avoid war, advised the Polish Government to make it clear that they remained ready for negotiations over Danzig (Nos. 50 and 51, pp. 119-121).
TREATMENT OF THE GERMAN MINORITY IN POLAND (AUGUST 24-27).
During the course of the correspondence outlined in this section, Sir H. Kennard reported that the German press campaign about the persecution of the German minority in Poland was a “gross distortion and exaggeration of the facts” (No. 52, pp. 121-123). On the 26th August Sir H. Kennard reported frontier incidents which had been provoked by the Germans. They had not caused the Poles to change their “calm and strong attitude of defence” (No. 53, pp. 123-124). Reports of unfounded German allegations against the Poles were also sent by Sir H. Kennard on the 26th and 27th August (Nos. 54 and 55, pp. 124-125).
DEVELOPMENTS LEADING IMMEDIATELY TO THE OUTBREAK OF HOSTILITIES BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND GERMANY (AUGUST 24-SEPTEMBER 3).
The Prime Minister’s letter to Herr Hitler (August 22) and Herr Hitler’s interview with Sir Nevile Henderson (August 23).
On the 22nd August, after the publication of the news of Herr von Ribbentrop’s visit to Moscow to sign a non-aggression pact with the U.S.S.R., the Prime Minister sent a personal letter to Herr Hitler. Mr. Chamberlain once again gave a clear statement of the British obligations to Poland, and stated that “whatever may prove to be the nature of the German-Soviet? Agreement, it cannot alter Great Britain’s obligation.” He added that “it has been alleged that, if His Majesty’s Government had made their position more clear in 1914, the great catastrophe would have been avoided. Whether or not there is any force in that allegation, His Majesty’s Government are resolved that on this occasion there shall be no such tragic misunderstanding” (No. 56, pp. 125-127) On the 23rd August Sir Nevile Henderson reported his first interview with Herr Hitler earlier in the day. Herr Hitler was “excitable and uncompromising”; his language was “violent and exaggerated both as regards England and Poland.” Herr Hitler observed, in reply to His Majesty’s Ambassador’s repeated warnings that direct action against Poland would mean war with Great Britain, that “Germany had nothing to lose, and Great Britain much; that he did not desire war, but would not shrink from it if it was necessary, and that his people were much more behind him than last September (No. 57, pp. 127-130).
Herr Hitler was calmer at a second talk, but no less uncompromising. He put the whole responsibility for war on Great Britain, and maintained that Great Britain was “determined to destroy and exterminate Germany. He was, he said, 50 years old; he preferred war now to when he would be 55 or 60.” He said that “England was fighting for lesser races, whereas he was fighting only for Germany” (No. 58, pp. 130-31).
The German reply to the Prime Minister’s letter was given to His Majesty’s Ambassador on the 23rd August. Herr Hitler stated that the British promise to assist Poland would make no difference to the determination of the Reich to safeguard German interests, and that the precautionary British military measures announced in the Prime Minister’s letter of the 22nd August would be followed by the mobilisation of the German forces (No. 60, pp. 132-135).
Text of the German-Soviet? Non-Aggression? Pact (August 23) (No. 61, pp. 135-136).
Appointment of Herr Forster as Head of the State of the Free City of Danzig (August 23).
Herr Forster was declared by decree of the Danzig Senate, on the 23rd August, Head of the State (Staatsoberhaupt) of the Free City of Danzig (No. 62, pp. 136-137). The Polish Government protested to the Senate against the illegality of this appointment (No. 63, pp. 137-138).
Speeches by the Prime Minister and Viscount Halifax on the Danzig and general German-Polish? situation and the determination of Great Britain to honour British obligations to Poland (August 24) (Nos. 64 and 65, pp. 138-53).
Attempts by the Polish Government to establish contact with the German Government (August 24).
In view of the increasing tension in Danzig, M. Beck told Sir H. Kennard that he considered the situation “most grave,” and that he had asked the Polish Ambassador in Berlin to seek an immediate interview with the German State Secretary (No. 66, pp. 153-154). This interview could not, however, be arranged, since Baron von WeizsÃ¤cker was at Berchtesgaden, but the Polish Ambassador had an interview in the afternoon of the 24th August with Field-Marshal? GÃ¶ring. The Field-Marshal? regretted that “his policy of maintaining friendly relations with Poland should have come to nought, and admitted that he no longer had influence to do much in the matter.” The Field-Marshal? hinted that Poland should abandon her alliance with Great Britain, and left the Polish Government with the impression that Germany was aiming at a free hand in Eastern Europe (No. 67, pp. 154-155).
Interview between Sir N. Henderson and Herr Hitler, and German “verbal communication” of August 25.
On the 25th August Herr Hitler sent for Sir Nevile Henderson and asked him to fly to London to “put the case” to His Majesty’s Government. The “case,” which included an offer of friendship with Great Britain, once the Polish question had been solved, was contained in a verbal communication made to His Majesty’s Ambassador (No. 68, pp. 155-158). During the discussion with Herr Hitler, Sir Nevile Henderson stated once more that Great Britain “could not go back on her word to Poland,” and would insist upon a settlement by negotiation. Herr Hitler refused to guarantee a negotiated settlement on the ground that “Polish provocation might at any moment render German intervention to protect German nationals inevitable” (No. 69, pp. 158-159).
Correspondence between the British and Polish Governments, August 25-27.
On the 25th August Viscount Halifax suggested to the Polish Government the establishment of a corps of neutral observers, who would enter upon their functions if it were found possible to open negotiations (No. 70, p. 160). He also suggested the possibility of negotiating over an exchange of populations (No. 71, p. 160). M. Beck raised no objection in principle to either proposal (No. 72, pp. 160- 161).
Reply of His Majesty’s Government, dated August 28, to Herr Hitler’s communications of August 23 and 25 (No. 60, pp. 132-135 and No. 68, pp. 155-158): interview of August 28 between Sir Nevile Henderson and Herr Hitler: speech of the Prime Minister in the House of Commons on August 29.
On the 28th August Viscount Halifax informed the Polish Government through Sir H. Kennard that in the British reply to Herr Hitler “a clear distinction” would be drawn between “the method of reaching agreement on German-Polish? differences and the nature of the solution to be arrived at. As to the method, we (His Majesty’s Government) wish to express our clear view that direct discussion on equal terms between the parties is the proper means” (No. 73, pp. 161-162).
The reply of His Majesty’s Government, suggesting direct discussion between the German and Polish Governments, was presented to Herr Hitler by Sir N. Henderson on the 28th August (No. 74, pp. 162-165). His Majesty’s Government stated they had “already received a definite assurance from the Polish Government that they are prepared to enter into discussions,” and that, if such direct discussion led, as they hoped, to agreement, “the way would be open to the negotiation of that wider and more complete understanding between Great Britain and Germany which both countries desire.” In his interview of the 28th August with Herr Hitler, Sir N. Henderson repeated the British readiness to reach an Anglo-German? understanding, “but only on the basis of a peaceful and freely negotiated solution of the Polish question.” Sir Nevile Henderson pointed out to Herr Hitler that “it lay with him (Herr Hitler) as to whether he preferred a unilateral solution which would mean war as regards Poland, or British friendship.” Herr Hitler, who said that “his army was ready and eager for battle,” would not answer at once whether he would negotiate directly with Poland (No. 75, pp. 165-169)
On the 29th August the Prime Minister once more explained in the House of Commons the British standpoint (No. 77, pp. 169-175).
Interview of August 29 between Sir N. Henderson and Herr Hitler, and German demand for the arrival of a Polish representative in Berlin by August 30.
At 7:15 p. m. on the 29th August Sir N. Henderson received from Herr Hitler the German answer that the German Government was prepared to accept the British proposal for direct German-Polish? negotiations, but counted on the arrival of a Polish plenipotentiary by the 30th August (No. 78, pp. 175-178). The British Ambassador remarked that the latter demand “sounded like an ultimatum,” but, after some heated remarks, both Herr Hitler and Herr von Ribbentrop assured the Ambassador “that it was only intended to stress the urgency of the moment” (No. 79, pp. 178-179). The interview was “of a stormy character.” Sir N. Henderson thought that Herr Hitler was “far less reasonable” than on the 28th August ( No. 80, p. 179).
At 4 a. m. on the 30th August Sir N. Henderson, on instructions from His Majesty’s Government, informed the German Government that it would be “unreasonable to expect the British Government to produce a Polish representative in Berlin” by the 30th August, and that “the German Government must not expect this” (Nos. 81 and 82, pp. 180-181).
Exchange of correspondence between His Majesty’s Government and the Polish Government on August 30.
Sir H. Kennard also reported his opinion that the Polish Government could not be induced to send a representative immediately to Berlin to discuss a settlement on the basis proposed by Herr Hitler. “They would certainly sooner fight and perish rather than submit to such humiliation, especially after the examples of Czecho-Slovakia?, Lithuania and Austria” (No. 84, pp. 181-182). On this same day the Polish Government gave their assurance, in reply to advice from Viscount Halifax, to avoid any kind of provocation (No. 85, p. 182), that they had no intention of provoking any incidents, in spite of the provocation at Danzig, which was becoming “more and more intolerable” (No. 86, pp. 182-183).
Exchange of correspondence between the British and German Governments with regard to the opening of direct German-Polish? negotiations (August 30).
At 2:45 p. m. and again at 5:30 p. m. on the 30th August His Majesty’s Government instructed Sir N. Henderson to inform the German Government of the representations which the British Government had made in Warsaw for the avoidance of all frontier incidents and urged the German Government to reciprocate (Nos. 83 and 87, pp. 181 and 183). They repeated at 6:50 p. m., in view of the German insistence on the point, that it was “wholly unreasonable” for the German Government to insist upon the arrival in Berlin of a Polish representative with full powers to receive German proposals, and that they could not advise the Polish Government in this sense. They suggested the normal procedure of giving the Polish Ambassador the German proposals for transmission to Warsaw (No. 88, pp. 183-184).
At midnight on the 30th-31st August Sir N. Henderson handed to Herr von Ribbentrop the full British reply to the German letter of the 28th August (No. 78, pp. 175-178). The reply noted the German Government’s acceptance of the British proposal for direct German-Polish? discussions, and of the “position of His Majesty’s Government as to Poland’s vital interests and independence.” The reply also noted that the German Government accepted “in principle the condition that any settlement should be made the subject of an international guarantee.” His Majesty’s Government stated that they were informing the Polish Government of the German Government’s reply. “The method of contact and arrangements for discussions must obviously be agreed with all urgency between the German and Polish Governments, but in His Majesty’s Government’s view it would be impracticable to establish contact so early as to-day (i.e., the 30th August) (No. 89, pp. 184-185).
The British reply was also telegraphed to the Polish Government, and Viscount Halifax hoped that “provided the method and general arrangement for discussions can be satisfactorily agreed,” the Polish Government, which had authorised His Majesty’s Government to say that they were prepared to enter into direct discussions, would be ready to do so without delay (No. 90, pp. 185-187).
In his interview at midnight the 30th-31st August with Herr von Ribbentrop, Sir N. Henderson suggested that the German Government should adopt the normal procedure of making contact with the Polish Government, i.e., that when the German proposals were ready the Polish Ambassador should be invited to call and to receive these proposals “for transmission to his Government with a view to the immediate opening of negotiations.”
“Herr von Ribbentrop’s reply was to produce a lengthy document which he read out in German aloud at top-speed.” When His Majesty’s Ambassador asked for the text of the proposals in the document, he was told that it was “now too late,” as a Polish representative had not arrived in Berlin by midnight (the 30-31st August). Sir N. Henderson described this procedure as an “ultimatum,” in spite of the assurances previously given by the German Government. He asked why Herr von Ribbentrop could not adopt the normal procedure, give him a copy of the proposals, and ask the Polish Ambassador to call on him (Herr von Ribbentrop) to receive them. “In the most violent terms Herr von Ribbentrop said that he would never ask the Polish Ambassador to visit him,” though he hinted that it might be different if the Polish Ambassador asked for an interview (No. 92, pp. 187-189)
Exchange of correspondence between the British and Polish Governments on August 31 with regard to direct negotiations.
On hearing of the reply of His Majesty’s Government to the German Government (No. 89, pp. 184-185) on the subject of direct German-Polish? negotiations, M. Beck said that he would do “everything possible to facilitate the efforts of His Majesty’s Government.” He promised the “considered reply of his Government” by midday on the 31st August (No. 93, p. 189), Later on the 31st August Viscount Halifax advised the Polish Government immediately to instruct the Polish Ambassador in Berlin to say that he was ready to transmit to his Government any proposals made by the German Government so that they (the Polish Government) “may at once consider them and make suggestions for early discussions” (No. 95, p. 190).
At 630 P.M. on the 31st August Sir H. Kennard communicated to London the formal Polish confirmation of the readiness of the Polish Government to enter into direct discussions with the German Government on the basis proposed by Great Britain ( No. 97, pp. 191-192). M. Beck said that “he would now instruct M. Lipski Polish Ambassador in Berlin to seek an interview either with the (German) Minister for Foreign Affairs or the State Secretary” in order to establish contact for the initiation of direct discussions, but that the Polish Ambassador would not be authorised to receive a document containing the German proposals, since, “in view of past experience, it might be accompanied by some sort of ultimatum.” In M. Beck’s view “it was essential that contact should be made, in the first instance,” for the discussion of details “as to where, with whom, and on what basis negotiations should be commenced” (No. 96, pp. 190-191).
German proposals for German-Polish? settlement, presented to the British Ambassador in Berlin at 9:15 P.M. on August 31, and German invasion of Poland on September 1.
It was not until 9:15 p. m. on the 31st August that the German Government gave Sir N. Henderson a copy of their proposals, which had been read to him so rapidly by Herr von Ribbentrop on the previous night. The German Government stated that the note contained the sixteen points of their proposed settlement, but that, as the Polish plenipotentiary, with powers “not only to discuss but to conduct and conclude negotiations,” had not arrived in Berlin, they regarded their proposals as “to all intents and purposes rejected (No. 98, pp. 192-197). At 11 P.M. Viscount Halifax telephoned instructions to Sir N. Henderson to inform the German Government that the Polish Government were taking steps to establish contact with them through the Polish Ambassador in Berlin (No. 99, p. 198). At 9 P.M. British summer time the German Government had, however, broadcast their proposals together with the statement that they regarded them as having been rejected. They had, however, never been communicated to the Polish Government and all means of communication between the Polish Ambassador in Berlin and the Polish Government had been cut off.
As a final attempt to meet the German demands, Viscount Halifax telegraphed to Sir H. Kennard in the night of the 31st August-1st September his view that the Polish Ambassador in Berlin might receive a document for transmission to his Government and might say that “(a) if it contained anything like an ultimatum, the Polish Government would certainly be unable to discuss on such a basis; and (b) that, in any case, in the view of the Polish Government, questions as to the venue of the negotiations, the basis on which they should be held, and the persons to take part in them, must be discussed and decided between the two Governments” (No. 100, pp. 198-199).
In answer to this telegram, Sir H. Kennard replied on the 1st September that M. Lipski “had already called on the German Foreign Minister at 6:30 p. m.” on the 31st August. “In view of this fact, which was followed by the German invasion of Poland at dawn to-day (1st September), it was clearly useless for me to take the action suggested” (No. 101, p. 199).
These facts were announced to the House of Commons by the Prime Minister on the 1st September (No. 105, pp. 202-207). A further “explanatory note, upon the actual course of events,” reprinted from White Paper (Misc. No. 8 (1939), Cmd. 6102) (No. 104, pp. 200-201) should be read in connexion with Herr Hitler’s version of events as given in his speech of the 1st September to the Reichstag (No. 106, pp. 207-213) and in his proclamation to the German army (No. 107, p. 214).
Reunion of Danzig with the Reich (September 1).
On the 1st September Herr Forster announced in a proclamation to the people of Danzig the reunion of Danzig with the Reich. He telegraphed an account of his action to Herr Hitler, who replied at once accepting the reunion and ratifying the so-called legal act by which it was brought about (No. 108, pp. 214-216).
Action taken by His Majesty’s Government after the receipt of news of the German attack on Poland (September 1-3).
On the 1st September, after His Majesty’s Government had received news of the German invasion of Poland, Viscount Halifax instructed Sir N. Henderson to inform the German Government that the Governments of the United Kingdom and France considered that the German action had “created conditions (viz., an aggressive act of force against Poland threatening the independence of Poland) which call for the implementation by the Governments of the United Kingdom and France of the undertaking to Poland to come to her assistance.” Unless the German Government suspended all aggressive action against Poland, and promptly withdrew their forces from Polish territory, His Majesty’s Government in the United Kingdom would “without hesitation fulfill their obligations to Poland.” Sir N. Henderson was authorised to explain, if asked, that this communication was “in the nature of a warning,” and was “not to be considered as an ultimatum,” but Viscount Halifax added, for Sir N. Henderson’s own information, that, “if the German reply is unsatisfactory, the next stage will be either an ultimatum with time-limit or an immediate declaration of war” (Nos. 109 and 110, pp. 216-217).
On the night of the 1st-2nd September Sir N. Henderson reported that he had made the necessary communication to Herr von Ribbentrop at 9:30 p. m. and had asked for an immediate answer. Herr von Ribbentrop replied that he would submit the communication to Herr Hitler (No. 111, pp. 217-218). Meanwhile, on the 1st September, the Polish Government announced to His Majesty’s Government that, although the Polish Ambassador in Berlin had seen Herr von Ribbentrop at 6:30 p. m. on the 31st August, and had expressed the readiness of the Polish Government to enter into direct negotiations, Polish territory had been invaded, and the Polish Government had therefore been compelled to break off relations with Germany (No. 112, pp. 218-219) (see also Nos. 113 and 115, pp. 219 and 221). At 10:50 a. m. on the 1st September Viscount Halifax sent for the German ChargÃ© d’Affaires in London, drew his attention to the reports which had reached His Majesty’s Government about German action against Poland and informed him that these reports “created a very serious situation” (No. 14, pp. 220-221).
The Prime Minister on the 2nd September made a statement in the House of Commons, in the course of which he said that no answer had been received to the message sent to the German Government on the 1st September, requesting the cessation of German aggression and the withdrawal of German troops from Poland. The Prime Minister also informed the House of proposals put forward by the Italian Government for a cessation of hostilities, but made it clear that His Majesty’s Government could not take part in any conference unless German aggression ceased and German troops were withdrawn from Poland (No. 116, pp. 221-224). At 5 a. m. on the 3rd September Sir N. Henderson was instructed to ask for an interview at 9 a. m. with Herr von Ribbentrop and to inform him that, although His Majesty’s Government had warned the German Government of the results which would follow if Germany did not suspend all aggressive action against Poland, no answer had been received from the German Government. His Majesty’s Government therefore stated that unless satisfactory assurances were received from the German Government not later than 11 a. m. a state of war would exist between the United Kingdom and Germany (No. 118, pp. 224-225).
At 11:20 a. m. on the 3rd September the German Government replied with a statement of their case, concluding with the suggestion that His Majesty’s Government desired the destruction of the German people, and with the words “we shall answer any aggressive action on the part of England with the same weapons and in the same form” (No. 119, pp. 225-228). Shortly afterwards the Prime Minister announced in the House of Commons that Great Britain was at war with Germany (No. 120, pp. 228-230.) This section of the documents concludes with Herr Hitler’s proclamations of the 3rd September to the German people and to the German army (No. 121, pp. 230-232).
ATTEMPTS AT MEDIATION BY OTHER STATES.
The full text is given of the exchange of messages between the President of the United States of America and His Majesty the King of Italy (Nos. 122 and 123, pp. 232-234); the President of the United States of America and the President of Poland; and the messages of the President of the United States of America to Herr Hitler (Nos. 124-127, pp. 234-238); the broadcast appeal of the 23rd August by His Majesty the King of the Belgians in the name of the Heads of States of the Oslo Group of Powers and the replies (Nos. 128-133, pp. 238-242); the joint offer of mediation by His Majesty the King of the Belgians, and Her Majesty the Queen of the Netherlands and the replies (Nos. 134-138, pp. 242-244); the broadcast appeal of the 24th August by His Holiness the Pope with the reply of His Majesty’s Government and telegrams describing a last peace attempt by the Pope on the 31st August, together with His Majesty’s Government’s reaction, are also given in full (Nos. 139-142, pp. 244-248).
A communiquÃ© issued by the official Italian Stefani news agency on the 4th September recording the efforts made by the Italian Government to maintain peace is published as the last document in this chapter (No. 143, pp. 248-249).
The final Document (No. 144, pp. 249-251) is the Prime Minister’s broadcast of the 4th September, 1939, to the German People.